Guillermo Navarro Jiménez
Friends, colleagues and comrades have expressed their surprise at having stopped the almost daily to write and publish articles that characterized my previous job. The reasons I have laid claim to the need for haste to end the book is the first part of the trilogy "Economic power, political power and de facto power" , now prepared and will be disseminated under the title ' The "owners" of Ecuador ', in the near future. Also, I have stated that it considered essential, not metrapped by the circumstantial, to which was necessary to devote my remarks to matters of wider application. Finally, evaluate the opportunity or not spread my thoughts on various topics that focused my attention.
Today, for reasons explained in each of the next articles I have decided to continue writing and disseminating my thoughts that I had been away. This is the first and addresses those problems and the resulting necessary adjustments being undertaken by the Cuban Revolution
Before entering the field, we note that, as is clear to the Cuban comrades, our commitment, commitment, support and solidarity with the Cuban Revolution
e. development in the presence of large inequalities and strengthening of individualistic ideologies and careerists,
avid sectors of the lumpen proletariat to achieve higher revenues, as which are apparent in the Cuban society and partners well described Petras and Estman-Abaya.
- The contents of the previous paragraphs, notes the effects, more does not explain the theoretical and practical process in which they develop these results. Therefore, it is necessary to point out, although a synthetic and simplified approaches which are "theoretical" that govern this process. These are:
Acceptance of the Theory of Value is valid even in socialism, determines to be recognized, implicitly, the existence of surplus value and social [5] CHTMLmp; nbsp; wage-labor equality in the conceptual framework referred to in paragraph 4 immediately above, determines the transformation of today's socialist enterprises into state enterprises, the social conception. This is productive units in which the surplus is allocated to the processes of investment and reinvestment and wages, restricted to the company. process exactly the opposite of what occurred in Venezuela in the case of PDVSA, the company that opened in the history, the conversion of a state enterprise in socially owned companies, by broadening the fate of some of the surplus to finance the Missions, that to society as a whole; CHTM LXC 6.
Based on simple concepts and complex work work, wages within firms differ considerably, especially since some executives intentionally overstate the type of work performed , leading to privileged strata within the company and society as a whole. The so-called "buds" in Venezuela, is a clear example of this behavior 7. The overvaluation of the work performed above that large differencess salary ranges bureaucratic sectors, creating thereby privilege
positions within the state apparatus; 8.
The severity of the actions mentioned in the previous section, stems from an obvious reality: many of the officials for this practice are privileged Party members, so that feed a loss of credibility on the whole Party, to encourage more burorcratización to justify precisely the "higher" functions "justify" the new pay scales; socialist countries, have had yesterday and today, as the workhorse need to raise the "efficiency" eliminate corruption or bureaucratic problems, as evidenced by the ideas of some Cuban ideologues. Consider how its proposal to, on this basis, define the possible consequences that generate those views.
"efficiency" that manifests as low productivity, bureaucratic sloth, theft of fuel or products as claimed Fidel, due to low salaries, which they claim does not amount toMLXC "capabilities" individual , which replaces the
provide individual with full capacity available for payment
So the issue raised, from the adoption of different wages for the industrial sector in Cuba, it is expected that this policy be extended to other sectors, since the strength shown by the " efficiencies ",omo Raúl on 26 July 2007.
In this type of ideological deviations, it becomes equally important to increase surveillance on the assumption of a series of concepts that have been disseminated within the Cuban intelligentsia. It is commonplace to find the use of concepts such as factors of production, labor, human development, the principle of equivalence, creative freedom, social movements in the vision of Touraine, identified private sector "efficiency", "Socialism of the XXI century" in Dieterich subjective vision, payment of wages by results, to name a few. CHTMLXrelevant and appropriate rights in order to refute the position Lasallian we have warned.
In the field of fine arts culture, the long account of the deviations that occur in the text of the partners Petras and Eastman is so abundant that there is no addition. only remains to add that the demands of "creative freedom", and the profusion of works such as those discussed and criticized by Petras and Eastman-Abaya, allowed the emergence of Havel, which showed their true objectives and its consequences years later. In this case former Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.
Peers Petras and Eastman-Abaya, say that the contradiction between what is known as "Interest of State" Party Politics due to a lack of separation between state and party. They assert that:
"The crucial problem is the lack of separation between state CubaIncorrect, since tacit propose a separation of the Cuban state policy regarding the party, would be to repeat the negative experience of former socialist countries, which is precisely the distinction was suggested. Distinction that allowed that privilege the "state interests" which, in turn, justified the adoption of policies even contrary to the principles and revolutionary movements, arguing that it was essential to maintain b ood relations with certain states.
Divide Unito- State and the predominance of the former, are guaranteed to avoid the bureaucratization of the second and, mainly, that it favors, precede the "state interests" on revolutionary principles. The best example of the rationale and conduct imposed by that type of relationship is the case of Brazil. In both Cuba and the State seeks to strengthen relations, since the anti-imperialist vision, Fidel, as the highest representative of the Party and the Cuban state is ruled out against the policy on ethanol as intrepid defends Brazilian President Lula da Silva, in line with the interests of imperialism.
By way of conclusion, we have to recognize that the Cuban comrades and developed have already warned against actions arising from the use of the dollar, the stock on payable in foreign currency, etc. Likewise, warning colleagues that the complexity of the problems they face and which can be generated in the future. Not only that, they are willing to wage a great battle and not only books but also win the same, as expressed by comrade Fidel. Then subtracted from the analysis is expected to deepen and to take the corrective measures that prevent the Cuban revolution is driven by old ways.
Finally we must confess we have never had the opportunity to visit Cuba socialist, so that our approaches could not be compared fully with objective reality. This, no doubt, it deprives us recognize and include shades that could be important for analysis. But this does not negate our point of view, especially since it is based on the experience of former socialist countries, whose collapse we were eyewitnesses, specifically
[1]
. Havana, on November 17, 2005 [2] Petras, James and Eastman-Abaya, Robin: h in all his writings, and reiterated in the round table to discuss the XXI Century Socialism held in Quito, the APDH.
[9] Dieterich is not original nor the "thinker" who has created new theories as boasts and claims. It is a mere copyist of Lasalle. Indeed Lasalle stated that a "fair" is "equal right of everyone to the same work product" , which is wielded as a brand new contribution Dieterich. CHand wage labor and persists in its accumulation model from centralized control over social, delivery of the surplus directly to the workers, etc. See Campos, Pedro: "Cuba: dilemma and hope," Penultimos days, Tuesday July 18, 2006. [12]